![]() |
|
|
Session 1: Erotic and Politics The Erotic and the Nation State This paper will propose that
the recent resurgence of academic interest in the Erotic is paralleled
by the emergence of a new type of political conservatism. Popularly
dubbed “neo-conservatives”,
many members of the new Right advocate censorship of pornography and
obscenity. Such censorship is part of their evocation of classical
models of democracy, where the virtue of self-government is integral
to the moral worth and personal discipline of the people to be governed.
Several prominent neo-conservatives have suggested that censorship
of the pornographic and the obscene is not incompatible with a democracy
because they degrade the humanity of those involved, reducing them
to an infantile state. People in a democracy, they argue, must ensure
that they are not governed by the infantile and irrational parts of
themselves. The Erotic Imagination: Visual Technologies
and Social Change in Egypt and India This paper explores the concept
of the erotic as a way to understand and chart a history of the non-West's
relationship to visual technologies. Drawing on evidence of the reception
of photography and cinema in nineteenth-century and early twentieth
century India and Egypt , my aim is to develop an analytical framework
whereby the erotic is linked to perceptions of self and society in
the throes of change. The displacement of older forms of artistic and
discursive representation by the modern visual media found expression
through a mixture of hope and fear, dread and desire in which women
and their sexuality were often, though not exclusively, made to bear
the burden of the "disfigurements" of
modernity. Paradoxically, Western industrial and media technologies
were appropriated and used as tools to critique society itself. The
erotic takes on a deeper significance as it links the techniques of
vision to political structures and historical forces. Visions of Sadomasochism as a Fascist Erotic Contemporary sadomasochists in the Western world have received both open and implied criticism for their use of an erotic deemed reminiscent of Nazism. Such accusations have been made by American radical feminist critics and anti-pornography campaigners, by right-wing literature scholars, by historians of Nazi sexuality and, most famously, by the contemporary cultural critic Susan Sontag in her analysis of American gay SM/leather culture as an extension of the aesthetic allure of the cinema of Leni Riefenstahl, asking: ‘How could a regime that persecuted gay men become a gay turn on?’ But this paper will argue that the myth of SM as Fascist is frequently based upon historically inaccurate assumptions about National Socialist sexual politics, assuming the Nazis to have been predominantly bisexual or homosexual, perverse and sadomasochistic, or drawing upon ill-informed stereotypes of sadomasochistic desire as a repetition of real-life violence and abuse. Aside from those who directly criticise sadomasochistic practices as fascistic, there is also the broader level at which connections have been drawn between the two across a variety of cultural media, in Holocaust historiography, in Hollywood and in Italian neo-realist cinema, and in pulp pornography of the nineteen-seventies. There are important implications of this for sadomasochist eroticism: The Fascism slur constitutes a new form of pathologisation that links sadomasochism to the Nazi past, hence promoting societal confusion about the consensuality of SM play. But also, in associating SM with the ultimate non-consensual evil, the Nazi-perversion mythos may be productive to sadomasochistic fantasies that rely on a parody of non-consent and on a celebration of thanatotic and/or hyper-masculinist excess. |
|