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Monday 12th August - Friday 16th August 2002
Session 8: Violence and the Place
of Politics Eep Fatah - The
Military, Violence, and Democratic Transition: Post-Soeharto Indonesia In recent years, since the fall of President Soeharto (May 1998), managing democratic transition has become the most important issue in Indonesian politics. This transition constitutes a process of change that since the outset has not been easy. In this regard, violence has been at the top of the political agenda. Democratization processes have occurred along with the emergence of many forms of violent conflict based on issues such as religion, ethnicity, separatism, independence, economic imbalance, social injustice, exploitation of natural resources, the domination of the bureaucracy based on ideology, and violence by the state. This paper investigates the relationship between violence and democratic transition by focusing on how the military has played this situation to its own advantages in order to maintain its presence in the political arena. In this respect, it encompasses the discussion of the following core arguments. First, in Indonesia, the emergence of violence is basically related to the state’s inability to create economic balance and social justice among territorial and social groups. Democratization may contribute to instigate protest, conflict and violence by, on the one hand, pumping up dramatically people’s hopes for a better economic and social arrangement, and on the other hand, by raising people’s consciousness of civilian democratic government’s inability to accommodate their hopes. Second, civil violence has been used by the military as a political resource for negotiation vis-à-vis politicians. Moreover, civilian democratic government’s inability to manage conflict and violence – which has become an obstacle to democratic transition and consolidation – has been used by the military as its political tool for keeping its influence in the political system. It also could be used potentially by the military as evidence of the inability of civilian government and, in a broader sense, of the disadvantages of democracy. Thus, it is believed that the process of becoming a democratic Indonesia is fraught with more danger than is usually acknowledged. It is still questionable whether civilian government will be able to manage conflict and violence in the transition period, and whether democracy will survive. In this regard, it is obvious that in Indonesia the ghost of military intervention still lurks around the corner. John Moukas - High Politics vs Violence: The Kosovo Compromise - Russian Foreign Policy and the 1999 NATO Air Strikes Against Yugoslavia The paper offers an examination of the process of how the conflict between the power politics of Russia – US/NATO had brought about the political and military compromise settlement of 3-10 June 1999 in Kosovo following NATO’s bombing campaign. It argues that Russia played a conducive role in bringing about the peace settlement, the latter being the result of sustained diplomatic efforts principally involving elements of compromise on NATO’s side. It arrives at this conclusion through an examination of rival interpretations as to why the war ended when it did. The paper concludes that that the diplomatic breakthrough ending the war had been reached on 6 May, in Bonn, where the G-8 adopted the peace proposal, which Milosevic signed in June. The political settlement of 3-10 June was the logical result of the Russian peace process, which seemed to have reached a compromise between the Rambouillet and Serbian positions and involved a number of compromises on the part of NATO. Essentially, Serbia gave in on the armaments of the occupying forces and the withdrawal of Serb forces. NATO gave in on the constitution of the occupying forces, control over the civil administration and the requirement for a UNSC resolution. The G-8 agreement differed substantially from Rambouillet in that it shifted the focus of diplomacy to the UN in tackling civil issues and in organising an international presence which Russia had long insisted should have been at the centre of efforts to resolve the crisis. The G-8 accords constituted an agreement between NATO and Russia. It was the price Russia demanded in order to attempt to negotiate a settlement with Belgrade. The accords were a redefinition of the NATO demands into terms that Moscow felt Belgrade would accept and which could fit into Russia’s and Belgrade’s core concept of Serbian sovereignty over Kosovo. In return for Russian support, the Western powers said that an interim peace agreement must take full account of Yugoslav sovereignty and territorial integrity and lead to the demilitarisation of the KLA. Thus, the entire point of the G-8 accords was that there would be a compromise in which NATO achieved what it wanted while Yugoslavia retained what it wanted. The war in Kosovo did not result in victory for the Serbs but to a political defeat for the US which on a number of key ‘non-negotiable’ demands, brought a peace agreement by accepting Russian conditions. It was a first class diplomatic triumph for Russia and a bitter defeat for the Kosovar dream of independence. The Rambouillet accords laid out a clear path towards independence after a transitional three years. That pledge has been dropped. The present agreement makes devout references to the ‘spirit’ of the Rambouillet accords, but gives more weight to Yugoslavia’s legal rights over the province. Adding it all up: the war failed miserably. It is true that the Serbs have withdrawn, but broad agreement had been reached on this before bombing commenced. Download Full Conference
Paper - Sabelo Sabinda - Ethnicity,
Nationalism and Sub-nationalism: Racism and Violence Overall Objectives: 1 To analyse and discuss the underlying causes of conflict in Zimbabwe 2 To investigate the extent to which ethnicity etc. have played a role in the said causes and/or perpetuation of the conflict. 3 To explore some of the ongoing modes of interventions that are being undertaken by civil society, with special mention of the work of The School of African Awareness in preventing further conflict and promoting a culture of peace building and tolerance, moreso amongst the youth and young people.
Definitions Overview of the Historical Roots of Conflict Ndebele/Shona Conflict The above will be looked at in light of some of the local laws, the Lancaster House Constitution and the role of the Frontline States in the conflict situation in Zimbabwe. Conflict Resolution and Peace Building 1 Brief analysis of the performing arts as an effective medium of instruction and awareness raising (especially in its participatory elements on conflict prevention and peace building). There will also be a brief summary of one of the plays usually used. 2 Dealing with Conflict 3 Peace Building and the Sustainability thereof Conclusion and Open Discussion Depending on the time available (for presentation) and whether it will
be financially possible or not to shoot, a video showing some of the techniques
used, in a live performance, will be shown.
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